Ethics in Free Market Economy Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Ethics in Free Market Economy - Research Paper Example Social justice issues related to the costs of group membership can come up in any size of a group. Benefits of group membership are also allocated through social justice mechanisms. There are certain distributive principles of social justice out of which Neo-liberal or Libertarian view will be discussed (Barusch, 2009). (Somerville & Sprigings, 2005) The distributive principle of libertarian concept says: From each according to his choice; to each according to his product (Barusch, 2009). Allocation of resources according to a product is central under the libertarian view of distribution. Libertarians believe in liberty over equality. They are of the opinion that inequality is acceptable and fosters social being and welfare in a society. Equal treatment in distribution ultimately leads to unequal distribution of resources. This is the price for freedom and government need not interfere (Barusch, 2009). Libertarians focus on the benefits of a free market over a system controlled by th e government. The reason being a free market society enjoys greater productivity among its workers and greater incentive to generate capital (Barusch, 2009). Free Market Economy Supporters of the free market economy claim that individuals should be allowed to make contracts with others regarding wages and prices and profits. People should be free to compete with each other to gain maximum benefit. They believe that if markets are set free, the outcome will be just and fair distribution of gains and responsibilities in society. People who support a free market economy will never support unregulated markets (Finifter, 2009). Free markets ensure the efficient distribution of goods to those who grab the opportunities to obtain their desired products and services. Free markets operate on people’s demands. They produce only those products which are demanded by the consumers. Consumers set their desired price. Free markets work for people, for the betterment and welfare of the socie ty (Boyes & Melvin, 2009). In free markets, prices are determined by both buyers and sellers in the market.

A Story from the Childhood That Is Reenacting My Life Today Essay Example for Free

A Story from the Childhood That Is Reenacting My Life Today Essay Years ago when I was a small kid, there was a point in time when I thought I was going to die or was going to live in a way other than other normal people. I accidentally cut my finger with a scissors by mistake while I was at my father’s work place for a visit. As a little child, I was very frightened by the look of blood and thought I was going to lose my finger or hand back then. My father used to be a banker working in one of the leading banks in Kuwait. I recall my father told me that he was going to be away for some time from his desk to do some important work and once he comes back he will get me chocolates and candy. While I was playing around at my father’s office I picked up a scissors and starting cutting papers and then I screamed as I have cut myself by mistake in my finger. Moments after, a colleague of my father ran into his office and helped me. His name was Ali. He helped me clear the blood quickly and was very supportive. I recall Ali’s response was exactly what a kid in such situation would hope for. He cared over me in delicate and nurturing manner. My whole world changed since that day, as a child I have developed love and respect to Ali and used to ask my father to take me to his office every school holiday to see Ali. I recall I used to prefer sitting in his office than staying at my father’s. I grew up having the same thoughts till the day I have graduated from high school as I have then decided to study Accounting and Finance in order to allow me to work in a bank and be a good caring person like the people I used to see when I was a child at my father’s work.

Al Capone Essay -- essays research papers

Al Capone I: Al Capone was born in New York City in 1899. His father, Gabriel and his wife, Teresa, came to America in 1894. They brought their two kids, Vincenzo, and Raffaele. In 1895 their third son was born, who they named Salvatore. II: The Capone family was nice and quit, Gabriel never hit the kids, he just "preached" to them and they'd listen. "...nothing about the Capone family was inherently disturbed, violent, or dishonest." Gabriel became an American citizen in 1906, his children all had Italian names but for the outside world they'd have different names. III: After Al was born Gabriel moved the family to an apartment above his barbershop in Brooklyn. This move would influence Al forever, he was exposed to other nationalities, Swedes, Irish, Germans, and Chinese lived in the neighborhood instead Italians as it had been. Education didn't mean much for many in New York, after you got out of high school you'd probably get a job. Al had good grades until he entered 6th grade. When he was fourteen he yelled at a teacher who hit him, he hit her back and was expelled from school, he never went to school again after that. About the same time that happened his family moved to a neighborhood that had a long lasting impression on him. This is where he met his first crime boss, Johnny Torrio and his future wife, Mae. IV: Johnny Torrio was a smart crime boss. He realized you needed brains and allies to survive. Many young boys worked for him, running errands mainly. But he started to trust the young Al Capone and gave him larger jobs to do. Many kids were in gangs, wether it be gangs of nationality, Irish, Italian, German, or ones of religion, Jewish gangs. V: Al was a good kid, came home on time and helped the family. No one would have suspected Al of becoming a mob boss. For awhile he worked at regular jobs, first a munitions factory then worked as a paper cutter. Frankie Yale was another crime boss except just the opposite of the "peaceful" Johnny Torrio. He built his gang off muscle. Yale opened a bar on Coney Island called the Havard Inn. Johnny Torrio got Al a job working there as a bartender. VI: Capone’s job at the Harvard Inn was to be a bartender, a bouncer and even wait on tables. One day he was waiting on a young couple and he leaned over and said to the woman "Honey, you have a nice ass and I mean that as a c... ...Jack Guzik and Frank Nitti. Later that year Ralph was indicted on tax evasion charges, he wasn't smart about covering up his money like Al was. "The Untouchables" had enough evidence to get permission from judges to take down Capone's breweries. The government realized they need a man inside and sent Michael J. Malone and another agent. XXI: Records from a raid on Hawthorne Hotel showed financial operations of the Hawthorne Smoke Shop. Al Capone opened a soup kitchen for those who lost their jobs in the great depression to try and restore his image in 1930. XXII: The Untouchables had taken over forty-five of Capone's trucks and raided tons of breweries. Wiretaps proved how bad things were going, a big blow was when a brewery was raided that produced 20,000 gallons a day. XXIII: Capone was arrested and brought to trial. He didn't worry too much since he had bribed the jury, the judge found out about this and changed the jury so it would be a fair trial. Capone was convicted of a few counts and was sentenced to 11 years in prison and a $50,000 fine. http://www.crimelibrary.com/gangsters_outlaws/mob_bosses/capone/index_1.html?sect=15

Contemporary Canadian Business Law Essay

A minor named Alice entered into a contract with Silver Flatware Ltd. for purchasing silverware on a long-term credit contract. The goods was delivered but the payment was not yet been fully made by Alice. Before she attain the age of majority, Alice repudiated the contract and refused to return the silverware. The company demanded a return of the silverware and refused to refund. The company sued Alice for the balance of purchase price. The legal issues in this case are whether Alice has the legal capacity to the contract and whether Alice has the right to repudiate the contract. If the second question is answered affirmative, what the effect of repudiation will occur in this case? Should Alice return the silverware and should she be liable to the lost of teaspoons? Finally, should the Silver Flatware Ltd. Refund the money had been paid by Alice? The plaintiff’s argument would be that the defendant must return the goods if she wants to repudiate the contract. The lost of teaspoons should be counted as damage to the goods and the plaintiff is entitled to recover the loss by charging compensation from the defendant. The defendant’s argument would be that she has the right to repudiate the contract since she was a minor while entering into the contract and she repudiated the contract before her attaining of the age of majority. The defendant has the option to repudiate the contract because the contract has not been fully performed and it was signed for purchasing non-necessary goods. The defendant was entitled to a return of the payment as she was a minor at the time she entered into the contract. The defendant was not liable to the lost of teaspoons since it was not a direct result of the minor’s deliberate act and it was not recoverable by the merchant. In my opinion, the probable decision of the court would be that the defendant must return the goods and the plaintiff must refund all the monies paid by the defendant. The defendant must return the goods before the plaintiff is obliged to return the monies paid. The defendant is not liable to the lost parts of the goods. The reasons for the probable decisions are as follows. Firstly, public policy dictates that minors should not be bound by their promises. The defendant did not have the legal capacity to a contract since she entered into the contract and repudiated the contract before her attaining of the age of majority. Secondly, the contract has not been fully performed as the defendant has not made full payment of the goods, so the contract is voidable at the defendant’s option. Thirdly, the goods purchased was a non-necessary goods since the silverwork is commonly considered as luxury but not necessary. Therefore, the plaintiff is not liable on such contract. According to the reasons stated above, the defendant who is a minor has the right to repudiate the contract at any time and at her option, for the reason of the contract has not been fully performed and it was for purchasing non-necessary goods. Additionally, once the contract has been repudiated, the minor is entitled to a return of any deposit paid to the adult contractor. Since the minor has purchased the goods on credit and taken delivery, the minor must return the goods before the merchant is obliged to return any monies paid. Finally, the loss of loosing teaspoons is not recoverable by the merchant because there is no evidence provided to proof that the loss is a direct result of the minor’s deliberate act.

Anti-Colonialism and Education Essay

In Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of Resistance, George J. Sefa Dei and Arlo Kempf have given us a stimulating intellectual account of the issues surrounding the active attempt for educational liberation. The authors who have contributed to the volume have been well chosen to present creative approaches to this abiding problem in most of the world. As we engage the legacies of colonialism we are more certain today that the nonmaterial legacies are as important in our thinking as the material ones when we engage questions of resistance and recovery. The colonizer did not only seize land, but also minds. If colonialism’s in? uence had been merely the control of land that would have required only one form of resistance, but when information is also colonized, it is essential that the resistance must interrogate issues related to education, information and intellectual transformations. Colonialism seeks to impose the will of one people on another and to use the resources of the imposed people for the bene? t of the imposer. Nothing is sacred in such a system as it powers its way toward the extinction of the wills of the imposed upon with one objective in mind: the ultimate subjection of the will to resist. An effective system of colonialism reduces the imposed upon to a shell of a human who is incapable of thinking in a subjective way of his or her own interest. In everything the person becomes like the imposer; thus in desires, wishes, visions, purposes, styles, structures, values, and especially the values of education, the person operates against his or her own interest. Colonialism does not engender creativity; it sti? es it, suppresses it under the cloak of assistance when in fact it is creating conditions that make it impossible for humans to effectively resist. And yet there has always been resistance and there are new methods of resistance gaining ground each day. The intricacies of engaging colonialism are as numerous as the ways colonialism has impacted upon the world. Indeed, the political-economic, socialbehavioral, and cultural-aesthetic legacies of the colonizing process have left human beings with a variety of ways to confront the impact of those legacies. What we see in Anti-Colonialism and Education is a profound attempt to capture for the reader the possibilities inherent in educational transformation through the politics of resistance. Professors Dei and Kempf have exercised a judicious imagination in selecting the authors for the chapters in this book. Each author is an expert in the area of the topic, skilled in presentation of the facts based upon current theories, and articulate in the expression of a need for educators to understand the pressures ix FOREWORD both for and against colonialism. However, they all take the position that it is necessary to explore all formulations that might achieve a liberated sphere of education. Since education normally follows the dominant political lines in a country where you have colonial political principles you will ? nd colonial education. If you have the vestiges of past colonial practices, you will see those practices re? ected in the educational system. I remember a colleague from Algeria saying to me that when the French ruled the country the students learned that their ancestors were the Gauls. When independence came to Algeria, he said, the people were taught that their ancestors were Arabs. The fact that this was only true for those individuals who had Arab origins, and thirty percent did not have such ancestry, was uninteresting to the political agenda. And so it has been in every nation where you have a political intention to mold a country on the basis of domination you will also have resistance. One seems to go with the other regardless to how long the process seems to take to commence. This is not just an exciting work intellectually; it is a beautiful book edited with intelligence and executed with the kind of research and scholarship that will bring us back to its pages many times. Each author seems to feel the same desire to teach us to be truly human; that is enough for us to inaugurate our own anti-colonialism campaign in our schools and colleges. I shall gladly join the fray to make the world better. Mole? Kete Asante Elkins Park, PA 19027 USA x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book could not have been completed without the political interest and will of the many people who shared their knowledge in this joint undertaking. While the task of re-visioning schooling and education for the contemporary learner and teacher may be daunting at times, we believe strongly that it is by no means insurmountable. In fact, we have a wealth of knowledge with which to help transform education into a process and practice that serves the needs of the collective. We hope this book will contribute to the debate and discussion of how to address not only the imperialization of knowledge but also the various forms of intellectual colonization that mask themselves as everyday academic truth and valid knowledge. George Dei would like to thank the students of his graduate level course, SES 3914S: â€Å"Anti-Colonial Thought and Pedagogical Challenges† in the fall of 2004 whose insights and discussions helped propel the vision for this collection. Arlo Kempf would like to thank Lola Douglas, Meghan Mckee and Randy Kempf for their support and loveliness. He would also like to thank George Dei and the contributors for their ideas and hard work over the duration of this project. We both owe a great deal of intellectual depth to our colleagues, peers and friends who constantly challenge us to think more deeply and avoid academic closure. It is in the actions and resistance of the people that theory is born and takes life – to all who struggle against colonialism without the privilege of a pen in hand, we thank and salute you. Our academic objective for the book was also shaped by a desire to let our community politics inform intellectual pursuits at all times. We want to thank Geoff Rytell, who initially helped proofread sections of the book, as well as Cheryl Williams for her ongoing support. Finally we say â€Å"thank you† to Joe Kincheloe, Shirley Steinberg and Peter de Liefde who made this book a reality. George Dei Arlo Kempf xi GEORGE J. SEFA DEI INTRODUCTION: MAPPING THE TERRAIN – TOWARDS A NEW POLITICS OF RESISTANCE INTRODUCTION I begin this chapter with a question germane as to why and how we articulate anticolonial thought. Informed by Steven Biko’s (1978) earlier work, I ask: â€Å"Why is it necessary for us as colonized peoples to think and re? ect collectively about a problem not of our creation i. e. , the problem of colonialism? † This question is central since colonialism has not ended and we see around us today various examples of colonial and neo-colonial relations produced within our schools, colleges, universities, homes, families, workplaces and other institutional settings. It is often said that globalization is the new word for imperialism. History and context are crucial for anti-colonial undertakings. Understanding our collective past is signi? cant for pursuing political resistance. Haunani-Kay Trask (1991) writes about the importance of the past to Indigenous peoples as a way to challenge the dominant’s call to amputate the past and its histories. For the people of Hawaiia, Trask notes that â€Å"we do not need, nor do we want [to be] liberated from our past because it is source of our understanding . . . [We] . . . stand ? rmly in the present, with [our] back to the future, and [our] eyes ? xed upon the past, seeking historical answers for present-day dilemmas† (p. 164). In order to understand the knowledge and resistance of the past as it relates to contemporary politics of resistance, one has to know and learn about this past. As noted elsewhere (Dei, 2000, p. 11), for colonized peoples decolonization involves a reclamation of the past, previously excluded in the history of the colonial and colonized nations. They must identify the colonial historical period from the perspectives of their places and their peoples. Knowledge of the past is also relevant in so far as we as people must use that knowledge â€Å"responsibly†. But our situatedness as knowledge producers and how we perform â€Å"the gaze† on subjects, at times accord power and privilege to some bodies and not others. Therefore, an anti-colonial struggle must identify and de? ne a political project and show its connections to the academic engagement. Franz Fanon and Karl Marx have both cautioned us that â€Å"what matters is not to know the world but to change it†. This assertion calls for a recognition of the multiple points/places of responsibility and accountability. For example, what does it mean to talk of accountability as far as identity and subjectivity, however complex? It may well mean taking the stance that in political work for change, certain issues are not negotiable. In other words, we need to see there are limits and possibilities of â€Å"negotiating† in anti-colonial struggles and politics. As Howard (2004) asks: How much can be G. J. S. Dei and A. Kempf (eds. ), Anti-Colonialism and Education: The Politics of Resistance, 1–23.  © 2006. Sense Publishers. All rights reserved. DEI accomplished if we decide to â€Å"negotiate† around domination or oppression? Are we negotiating as part of a democratic exercise? Rabaka (2003) has argued that â€Å"one of the most important tasks of a critical anti-colonial theory . . . is to capture and critique the continuities and discontinuities of the colonial and neocolonial in order to make sense of our currently . . . colonized life and . . . worlds† (p. 7). Therefore as we begin to ? esh out anti-colonial theory and practice, it is ? tting to ask some critical questions (see also Butler, 2002): Is there still a colonized South? What about a colonized North? Do we think of neo-colonialism/colonialism/post-colonialism as bridges, as new articulations, or as a continuation with no marked differentiation? What is â€Å"post† about/in the â€Å"post-colonial†? Is the theoretical distinction between neo-colonialism and colonialism spurious at best? What are the purposes and underlying intentions of making such distinctions? What are the convergences and the divergences in post-colonial and anti-colonial thoughts? Does â€Å"neo† in neo-colonial mean â€Å"new†, or â€Å"transformed†? What is neo-colonialism? What are its antecedents and its marked practices? What are the mechanisms and institutions that constitute neo-colonialism? Why do we speak of neo-colonialism and not anti-colonialism? Are the structures, practices and ideas which enable colonialism really that different from those of neo-colonialism? Are the differences between neo-colonialism and colonialism more than theoretical? Whose interests are advanced in speaking of neo-colonialism/post-colonialism? What are the [dis]junctures and [dis]continuities between colonialism and neo-colonialism? How do discursive forces and material aspects interact to further our understanding of colonial? How do we speak of power, coercion, subjectivity, agency and resistance in anti-colonial discursive practice? What are the relations between neo-colonialism and White supremacy? The book does not presume to offer full answers to all these questions. But it is hoped the discussions that follow offer some entry points into a new politics of engagement towards the formulation of a critical anti-colonial lens. The power of the anti-colonial prism lies in its offering of new philosophical insights to challenge Eurocentric discourses, in order to pave the way for Southern/indigenous intellectual and political emancipation. In this discussion, anti-colonial is de? ned as an approach to theorizing colonial and re-colonial relations and the implications of imperial structures on the processes of knowledge production and validation, the understanding of indigeneity, and the pursuit of agency, resistance and subjective politics (see also Dei and Asgharzadeh, 2001). Colonialism, read as imposition and domination, did not end with the return of political sovereignty to colonized peoples or nation states. Colonialism is not dead. Indeed, colonialism and re-colonizing projects today manifest themselves in variegated ways (e. g. the different ways knowledges get produced and receive validation within schools, the particular experiences of students that get counted as [in]valid and the identities that receive recognition and response from school authorities. The anti-colonial prism theorizes the nature and extent of social domination and particularly the multiple places that power, and the relations of power, work to establish dominant-subordinate connections. This prism also scrutinizes 2 INTRODUCTION and deconstructs dominant discourses and epistemologies, while raising questions of and about its own practice. It highlights and analyzes contexts, and explores alternatives to colonial relations. Loomba (1998) sees colonialism as signifying â€Å"territorial ownership† of a place/space by an imperial power, while imperialism on the other hand is the governing ideology for such occupation. Anti-colonial thought works with these two themes/projects – colonialism and imperialism as never ending. The colonial in anti-colonial however, invokes much more. It refers to anything imposed and dominating rather than that which is simply foreign and alien. Colonialism reinforces exclusive notions of belonging, difference and superiority (Principe, 2004). It pursues a politics of domination which informs and constructs dominant images of both the colonizer and the colonized (Memmi, 1969). Colonialism is not simply complicit in how we come to know ourselves and its politics. It also establishes sustainable hierarchies and systems of power. Colonial images continually uphold the colonizers’ sense of reason, authority and control. It scripts and violates the colonized as the violent â€Å"other†, while, in contrast, the colonizer is pitted as an innocent, benevolent and [imperial] saviour (see also Principe, 2004). This historical relationship of the colonizer and colonized continues to inform contemporary subject identity formation and knowledge production. It shapes and informs identities by recreating colonial ideologies and mythologies (Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999). In theorizing the anti-colonial discursive framework, I would highlight some key salient points. All knowledge can be located in the particular social contexts from which it emerges. Such location shapes the ways of knowing and understanding the social and political relations at play in constructing social realities. The anti-colonial prism takes the position that all knowledges are socially situated and politically contested. The anti-colonial discourse is situated in colonial relations of power that are contested through resistant practices against domination and oppression. In working with resistant knowledges, the liberating in? uence of critical anti-colonial discourse becomes clear. The anti-colonial discourse works with the idea of the epistemological power of the colonized subjects. The colonial knowing is situated and informed within particular social contexts (see also Harding, 1996). Such â€Å"situated knowledges† (hooks, 1991; Collins, 1990) also point to the importance of subjectivity, positionality, location and history. In this regard, the anti-colonial referent is to the epistemologies about, and of, marginalized, colonized subjects. Particular and different interests are served by knowledge systems, and the anti-colonial aim is to subvert dominant thinking that re-inscribes colonial and colonizing relations. The ability and strength of the anti-colonial prism to draw upon different discursive traditions to explain social and political phenomena is an important strength for multiple knowings. But anti-colonial thought, while borrowing from other theoretical frameworks, is not constrained by dominant epistemologies. It calls for a critical awareness of the social relations and power issues embedded in the ways of organizing the production, interrogation, validation and dissemination of knowledge in order to challenge social oppression and 3 DEI consequently subvert domination. It also calls for acknowledging accountability and power. Since the burden of oppression is not shared equally among groups, and that even among the oppressed we are not all affected the same way (see also Larbalestier, 1990), we must all be able to address questions of accountability and responsibility of knowledge. It is within such a context that one must evaluate the politics of anti-colonial thought, in its call for a radical transformation of the analytical and conceptual frames of reference, used both in the academy and in mainstream public discourse so that the minoritized, subjugated voice, experience and history can be powerfully evoked, acknowledged and responded to. Unless we are able to articulate the grounds on which we share a dialogue and challenge the power relations of knowledge production, we will be shirking the responsibility of acting on our knowledge. The academic project of anti-colonial thinking and practice is to challenge and resist Eurocentric theorizing of the colonial encounter. Such Eurocentric theorizing is best captured in representations of minoritized/colonized bodies and their knowledges, and through the power of colonial imageries. The anticolonial critique also deals with interrogations of colonial representations and imaginaries examining processes and representations of legitimacy and degeneracy through the mutually constitutive relations of power. Colonialisms were/are practised differently; they differ in their representations and consequently have myriad in? uences, impacts and implications for different communities. Colonial practices can be refracted around race, gender, class, age, disability, culture and nation as sites of difference. In many ways the â€Å"anti-colonial thought† is the emergence of a new political, cultural and intellectual movement re? ecting the values and aspirations of colonized and resisting peoples/subjects. The Western academy cannot continue to deny the intellectual agency of colonized peoples. As resisting subjects, we will all have to confront and deal with the historic inferiorization of colonial subjects, and the devaluation of rich histories and cultures. What is required is critical educational praxis that is anchored in anti-colonial thought to challenge and subvert the â€Å"Western cultural and capital overkill†, and shed the insulting idea that others know and understand us [as colonized subjects] better than we understand ourselves (see also Prah, 1997, pp. 19–23). Colonized peoples require an anti-colonial prism that is useful in helping to disabuse our minds of the lies and falsehoods told about our peoples, our pasts and our histories (see also Rodney, 1982). We need to present anti-colonial discourse as a way to challenge Eurocentric culture as the tacit norm everyone references and on which so many of us cast our gaze (Kincheloe and Steinberg, 1998, p. 11). This approach to anti-colonial discursive thought and practice is also informed by the academic and political project calling for knowledge that colonised groups can use to ? nd authentic and viable solutions to our own problems. In this struggle we can point to some positive developments. For example everywhere today, we (as colonized peoples) are reclaiming and reinvigorating our marginalised, and in some cases, lost voices and are speaking for ourselves. Within educational academies in North America and in the South, there 4